Claiming
complete comprehension of America’s constitution is akin to claiming complete
comprehension of quantum mechanics: If you think you understand it, you
probably don’t.
Which isn’t to insult the reader; our Constitution is a document founded upon -- and meant to articulate -- a paradox.
Today, that paradox might
roughly be described thusly:
There are times when America
is a conglomeration of states, each with characteristics so diverse they
necessitate local governance.
There are other times,
though, when America is one country and its citizenry one people; times when we
are not Texans, Californians, Floridians or Hawaiians, but Americans, who
collectively have a national need best handled by a central government.
Such
conflicting philosophies explain why our constitution might generously be
called perplexing, and might less generously be called contradictory.
There
is the Tenth Amendment, that bastion of conservatism, which says that “[t]he
powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited
by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the
people.”
This
prohibition carries great weight given James Madison’s proclamation in
Federalist 45: “The powers delegated by the proposed constitution to the
federal government, are few and defined. Those which are to remain in
the state governments, are numerous
and indefinite.” (Emphasis added.)
But
there are bastions for progressivism as well -- three, actually. The
Constitution has the Necessary and Proper Clause, the Commerce Clause, and the Sixteenth
Amendment. The last grants Congress power to “lay and collect taxes on
incomes, from whatever source derived”.
And
where conservatives have James Madison, liberals have Alexander Hamilton. He wrote
in Federalist 30 that taxation was such an “indispensable ingredient” to
governance, America required a “complete power” to “procure a regular and
adequate supply of revenue as far as the resources of the community will
permit”.
That
hardly describes a government whose powers are few and defined.
But
so it goes, two philosophies, always in tension, always fueling debate. The
question central to that debate: Where
is the line between necessary government power and tyranny?
Enter
the Supreme Court, which has been tasked with the unenviable duty of sorting
through the mess, law after law, year after year.
Last
week, in two superb decisions, SCOTUS reaffirmed the federal government’s role
in American jurisprudence. When it comes to immigration policy, America is not 50
states, but one country. With regard to the Affordable Care Act, government has
not overstepped its boundaries, but acted appropriately.
Said the conservative
dominated body, it is the sole responsibility
of Washington to determine the nation’s immigration policy, as well as within
its purview to effectively compel
Americans to purchase health insurance using a tax.
Effectively compel, because the
mandate is not a legal compulsion. According to Chief Justice Roberts, though
the mandate is clearly “intended to induce the purchase of health insurance” it
“need not be read to declare that failing to do so is unlawful” because
“[n]either the Affordable Care Act nor any other law attaches negative legal
consequences to not buying health insurance, beyond requiring payment to the IRS.”
Such payment is, of course, “a tax on those who go without insurance.”
If Madison is turning over
in his grave, Hamilton is pleasantly amused.
Conservative spin
Conservative onlookers have labeled the administration’s success Pyrrhic. Most notably, George Will, the nation’s leading conservative columnist, has insisted that “[c]onservatives won a substantial victory Thursday” because the court “embrace[d] emphatic language rejecting the Commerce Clause rationale for penalizing the inactivity of not buying insurance”.
True, the court did embrace such language, but Will’s distinction is one of convenience. If, as was decided, what government can’t do under the auspices of the Commerce Clause -- or the Necessary and Proper Clause -- government can do using a broader and more legitimate ability to tax the public, liberals have gained (not lost) a plausible card to play when arguing constitutional legitimacy.
Conservative onlookers have labeled the administration’s success Pyrrhic. Most notably, George Will, the nation’s leading conservative columnist, has insisted that “[c]onservatives won a substantial victory Thursday” because the court “embrace[d] emphatic language rejecting the Commerce Clause rationale for penalizing the inactivity of not buying insurance”.
True, the court did embrace such language, but Will’s distinction is one of convenience. If, as was decided, what government can’t do under the auspices of the Commerce Clause -- or the Necessary and Proper Clause -- government can do using a broader and more legitimate ability to tax the public, liberals have gained (not lost) a plausible card to play when arguing constitutional legitimacy.
Pay no attention to the ground noise: What we have seen is the culmination
of years -- if not decades -- of effort. SCOTUS has reaffirmed the federal
government’s authority on immigration policy, and the Patient Protection and
Affordable Care Act is now the law of the land.
It’s been a big week for big government. Here’s to November, which may give us a bigger week still.
It’s been a big week for big government. Here’s to November, which may give us a bigger week still.
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