“When the gods wish to punish us,
they answer our prayers.” -- Oscar Wilde
In concluding his remarks for the evening, Gary Johnson decided to take a risk. He would, at once, wax philosophic about the nature of voting, show his penchant for humor, and hope for the best. What resulted was one of the more platitudinous yet intriguing statements of the year: “Wasting your vote is voting for somebody you don’t believe in,” he proclaimed. “That’s wasting your vote. I’m asking everybody here, I’m asking everybody watching this nationwide, to waste your vote on me.”
In concluding his remarks for the evening, Gary Johnson decided to take a risk. He would, at once, wax philosophic about the nature of voting, show his penchant for humor, and hope for the best. What resulted was one of the more platitudinous yet intriguing statements of the year: “Wasting your vote is voting for somebody you don’t believe in,” he proclaimed. “That’s wasting your vote. I’m asking everybody here, I’m asking everybody watching this nationwide, to waste your vote on me.”
If the success of a third party candidate is
to be determined in proportion to the number of electoral votes he receives,
then only a smattering of third parties in American history have been “successful.”
But such a definition is limiting, if not misleading.
Better would be a mechanism in which we consider
the short and long terms effects these parties have on American jurisprudence. The
most successful third parties don’t simply vanish, as if they were but a whim
of the public. Instead, they are incorporated into the extant political
structure.
Staples of American policy such as the
abdication of the gold standard and farm subsidies didn’t originate from within
our two party system, but with the short-lived Populist Party. After losing the
election of 1900, the Populists were absorbed by the Democrats, who proceeded
in instituting much of what the Populists desired.
Modern day liberalism, as first practiced
by Woodrow Wilson, was introduced to the American public by Theodore Roosevelt
and his newly formed Progressive Party. In the 1912 election, Wilson won 435
electoral votes to Roosevelt’s 88, but Wilson adopted so many of the
Progressive Party’s reforms that claiming Roosevelt “lost” is over-simplistic.
One can thank “Progressives” (which now denotes many Democrats) for
legitimizing pushes for women’s suffrage, the direct election of Senators, the
Sixteenth Amendment, the inheritance tax, limited government interference in
strikes, and other important aspects of current American government.
Third parties, it seems, have been quite
successful through our years. All that was required was patience, a paradoxical
catalyst in the slow moving game of politics.
But suppose those who feel our two party
structure suffocates democracy had their prayers answered, and tomorrow, by
some strange magic, Americans were bequeathed a third option likely to receive
a significant proportion of popular and electoral votes. This would, perhaps,
be more trouble than it’s worth.
Unfortunately for third party activists,
the structure of our government might impose a de facto two party limitation. Given the impediments to government
action inherent to Washington -- a Constitution, an electoral college,
supermajorities in the Senate, a presidential veto, and a Supreme Court -- there
is a floor to the political power required to pass legislation. Any further
subdivision of political power may remove from our parties the capacity to make
any laws whatsoever, which would be disastrous.
In addition, having three parties would
make it impossible for a presidential candidate to win the requisite 270
electoral votes. Constitutionally,
the problem would then be solved by the House of Representatives, who are under
no obligation to select the person with the plurality. (Such was the state of
affairs in 1824, when neither Andrew Johnson nor John Quincy Adams received a
majority of electoral votes. Johnson received approximately 38,000 more popular votes than Adams, but Adams
became our sixth president.)
America could expect this political mess
every four years.
But again, suppose the candidate with the
plurality automatically won. With as little as 34 percent of electoral votes, Americans would be subjected to a president who could
command the military, negotiate treaties, veto laws, and oversee a vast
governmental apparatus allocated to him by Congress. Nor would the president be
encumbered by reelection prospects, because only a plurality of supporters is
required, and a plurality is easily attained.
Earlier this year, some
Americans caviled over the Obama Administration’s mandate that employers
provide birth control to their workers. Even if one finds the decision distasteful,
our president won 68 percent of electoral votes and 53 percent of popular votes
in 2008, which provides the decision a certain measure of legitimacy, if not
any sense of deference. This would be untrue if President Obama had merely
won 34 percent of electoral votes at the conclusion of his campaign.
True, America would no doubt survive more than two political parties; the country is home to a stubborn people who will make work what they can. Yet such ruminations illustrate a political corollary to the paradox of choice: Increasing our supposed options decreases the viability of the state.
Vote third party if
one must, but our two party system is here to stay, as it should be.
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