Those who pay attention to sports know this
hard and fast rule: When leading in the latter stages of the game, try nothing new;
instead, opt to protect the lead. Such may be the ongoing strategy of
conservatives, who essentially won the argument over gun control eight years ago.
Therefore, during this past week of
resurgent debate on guns and America, a near constant refrain from conservatives
has emerged: the complaint that liberals’ newly invigorated advocacy of gun
control is politicization of a tragedy. Instead of shying away from the charge,
liberals should respond with an emphatic “yes.” The left cannot take credit for
the initial politicization of gun violence, but they should be willing to take
part in a tradition.
That tradition began in 1791, when the
first generation of Americans exercised their right to amend their country’s constitution
with the Second Amendment.
The result: American gun ownership (and by
relation, gun violence) is inherently political, because it inevitably gets
caught up in the notions of rights, liberties and government power.
Modern day conservatives love to wear
admiration of the Constitution on their sleeves, as if it meaningfully distinguishes
them from modern day liberals. In truth, the left is equally enamored with the
Constitution’s complexities, ambiguities and relevance. They are no less eager
to take questions of constitutional legitimacy seriously, if for nothing more than
the laws they wish to codify must pass its muster.
When it comes to the Constitution,
the difference between left wing and right wing is best described in terms of
differing interpretations, rather than doubts regarding whether the document need
be considered at all.
Liberals hold that the document is
“living”, and therefore amenable to the evolving social morays of changing
times. Conservatives believe that it exists to remove changing social norms
from political discussion, in effect invalidating
them from government action. Some things, they insist, are simply not up for
grabs.
Exactly why the Second Amendment should be
immune from these debates is unclear, as well as why tragedies should go unconsidered as we rifle through our passionate argumentation.
Tragedies are indispensable in these debates because they ground are often lofty rhetoric in reality.
Tragedies are indispensable in these debates because they ground are often lofty rhetoric in reality.
Those who study the hard sciences know the
importance of theory and practice. Subjects such as biology, physics and
chemistry would be nothing without class work (the theory) and lab work (the
application of theory so practical outcomes can be observed).
In politics, tragedies like Colorado’s are
the closest we come to a parallel. In tones of insufferable knowingness, we can
discuss natural rights (are they absolute?), conflicting liberties (where do one’s
rights end and another’s begin?), and the knife edge on which government
compulsion rests (where is the line between necessity and tyranny?).
That is the theory. Last Friday was the practice. It served as a
tangible and emotional reminder that despite the heady complications we discuss
on Sunday morning news shows, our gun control laws allowed this to happen. This
isn’t worth political discussion?
To those who argue for more liberal access
to firearms, reciting statistics about gun deaths per year is considered perfectly legitimate, even if they find such statistics unconvincing. That, being their prerogative, is perfectly fair.
Yet somehow, when gun violence grabs the
nation by its lapels and forces it to take notice, when it doesn’t occur
in places where we have become acclimated to it, when the guns purchased aren’t run
of the mill weapons but the deadliest available, somewhere a line of propriety
has been crossed.
Unanswered thoughts
The questions which follow massacres are
unavoidable: Is the right to own a gun so absolute that Friday’s victims are acceptable,
if truly regrettable, losses? Where does the right of citizens like James
Holmes -- those with no legally recognizable reason to preclude them from gun ownership -- end, and the right
of the public to expect a certain degree of safety begin? Does the fact that one man so easily and
quickly took the lives of others mean the government should compel the
citizenry to relinquish their assault weapons, or is this, in effect, a
government over reach?
These questions aren’t just unavoidable,
they are conducive to the nation as a whole. Just
because our search is difficult does not lessen their importance for American
society and culture.
Conservatives, join the debate. It’s rather
dull without you.
Just remember, the right to bear arms was so important they didn't even put it in the first two drafts.
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