The first claim is mere campus lore,
unofficial but doled out to prospective students and accepted as
fact. As one description of the school
reads, such good-naturedness is part of “[t]he untold spirit at Texas
A&M” and “the underlying pulse of Aggieland.”
To the percipient, such gratuitousness will fall on deaf ears; experience warns that if an entity boasts in
such a manner, their claim is most likely untrue.
And it is. In an annual survey published by The Princeton Review (TPR), Aggies crossed the following: “Students treat all persons equally, regardless of their sexual
orientation and gender identity/expression.” Students responded by using a
Likert scale ranging from “strongly agree” to “strongly disagree.”
Earlier this summer, the results came back:
In comparison to other American colleges, it appears, Aggies rank seventh in
LGBT-Unfriendliness.
This is not
a stain on an otherwise implacable record.
In 1976, after members of a gay Aggie
support group were threatened at knife-point, the members sought official
recognition through A&M’s Student Programs Office.
Dr. John Koldus, the Vice President for
Student Affairs, denied their request; University President Jack Williams
issued a memo saying the school would not recognize the student group “until
and unless [they were] ordered by a higher authority to do so”; and a transcript of an A&M Board of Regents meeting reads as follows:
“So—called ‘gay’ activities run diabolically counter to the
traditions and standards of Texas A&M University, and the Board of Regents
is determined to defend the suit filed against it by three students seeking
‘gay’ recognition and, if necessary, to proceed in every legal way to prohibit
any group with such goals from organizing or operating on this or any other
campus for which this Board is responsible.”
The "suit" in question was Gay Student Services v. Texas A&M, and it would be eight years before the Fifth Circuit of Appeals would rule that "TAMU's refusal to recognize [the group] as
an on-campus student organization impermissibly denied [them] their First Amendment
rights.” The case set a national precedent by removing all legal
restrictions for gay organizations on public college campuses.
More recently, however, A&M’s problem
has been with its pupils: For the past eleven years TPR has classified A&M
as one of the top twenty schools unfriendly to their LGBT students; for six of those,
they were in the top ten. Few expected "the friendliest college in the nation" to receive recognition in 2011.
Having been falling on the list for the past several years, in 2010 A&M ranked 17th in the country, and
seemed poised to exit the top twenty.
But like Sisyphus, the
anticipation of success is greeted only with the reality of failure.
Their felling was probably due to a student senate
bill introduced the previous year. The bill requested the university "provide equal funding for family
and traditional values education, as well as alternative sexual education” and opposed “any increase to student fees to fund this mandate”.
Such conditions, it was rightly feared, would lead to budget
cuts for the university’s LGBT Recourse Center. During the floor debate, the
ten sponsors of the bill were openly hostile to student funding of the LGBT Resource
Center, despite the fact that none of them, by their own admission, had ever
visited.
Therefore, in 2011, instead of leaving the list, Aggies jumped from 17th
to tenth. Now at seventh, they are the highest ranked students who attend a public institution.
Speculation is optional folly, and indeed,
the reason for A&M’s persistence can only remain a matter of speculation.
However, it is worth noting that TPR ranks Aggies as the 13th Most
Religious Students, the seventh Most Politically Active, and the Most
Conservative in the country.
Still, with every year comes a new class,
and renewed hope for change. In substitution of Fitzgerald’s affirmation,
their test of “first-rate intelligence” will be to devise a way to liberalize A&M’s
upperclassmen, a task at which all prior classes have failed.
They’d be forgiven for preferring Sisyphus’
punishment instead.
I feel conflicted about the TPR rating. Like you said, it's likely due to the student senate's bill. Though admittedly that seemed much more like a few very conservative student senators posturing for support from the state legislature (with whom's bill they were voting to concur). The original state legislature that didn't get passed was super myopic and basically said that any minority (esp. LGBT) didn't deserve special treatment unless a mirror institution for any group not whatever that institution was for was created. It was absurd as well as horribly reductive and ignorant to the struggles and unique challenges LGBT students and staff/faculty face on campus. However, from the small sample of people I know personally, student sensibilities w.r.t. their fellow LGBT Aggies are shifting away from being hegmonically ignorant or antagonistic to them. Most are from a generation where that status and form of identity, though not yet totally absorbed into broad culture, has much more agency and visibility not to mention acceptance. Most new students populating our campus in my view are friendly in a way that includes respect for LGBT students. The fact that likely the TPR rating relied on polling and big-visibility events such as the student senate bill instead of actual behavior happening on campus takes away from its descriptive power for me. I don't think it does much but serve to reinforce stereotypes and discourage new people from thinking that A&M is pliant to change.
ReplyDeleteI did not know but am also not surprised by A&M's history of anti-LGBT behavior. I can only speak anecdotally, but as a first semester transfer, I have found most A&M students to be openly hostile to anyone who doesn't seem to fit the status quo of the campus. Not a paradigm that is going to work if the school wants to secure its position as one of the top universities in the nation-- something it seems to desire based on its recent acquisition of medical and law schools.
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